Sufism has often been understood solely as a mystical tendency within the boundaries of Islam. Since the 13th century, however, the master-disciple relationship has become increasingly visible through the institution of ṭuruq, brotherhoods that share values, spiritual methods, practices, and spaces. These dynamics have made Sufi orders active social networks involving a wide range of actors, from laypeople to rulers, from judges to artisans. All these individuals belong to the ṭarīqa in the same way, being subject to the authority of the shaykh regardless of their social status. This does not imply, however, that all disciples and masters are the same. In his 2005 study Is There Something Like Protestant Islam?, Roman Loimeier identifies several parallels between Protestantism and Islamist movements, drawing on Max Weber's analysis of the former. One of Loimeier's main points is that, for Wahhabi‑inspired Muslims, the attainment of worldly success is taken as evidence of God's favor and of the purity of one's faith. Sufism has consistently opposed the spread of such Islamist ideas, including the notion that devotional acts should be performed with an eye to worldly reward. Drawing on Arabic hagiographical sources from 19th - 20th century sub‑Saharan Africa (especially Senegal, Nigeria, Ethiopia, and Somalia), this paper examines the forms and patterns of differentiation among Sufis in order to assess whether social and economic conditions are acknowledged and whether they shape perceptions of an individual's spiritual standing. Although Islamic hagiographical literature often follows a relatively rigid formal structure in presenting the lives of Sufi saints, it frequently includes information about occupation, career, and social status. This paper focuses on how hagiographers represented their masters in relation to their social and economic roles within their communities, to the presence of colonial powers, and to other Islamic currents.